I’m skipping ahead a bit — Joel has dealt with Chapter III of Alexis de Tocqueville’s book here. I mean to deal with Chapters IV and V, which deal with the phenomenon of local, “bottom-up” government.
I do want to say a few words about his Chapter III post, which also references passages that I briefly touched on here. He read it quite differently than I did, but I don’t think his reading is any less valid. In fact, there is a logical consequence to his points about aristocracy and education:
In early America, we lacked bored heirs who, in the absence of having to build their own fortunes, devoted themselves to intellectual endeavours. The people who were wealthy had worked hard to accumulate the wealth, so by the time they had time to devote to, you know, smart things, they’d acquired other habits…
But since education is so accessible in America, Alexis says, almost everybody has some book learnin’.
The result: “A middling standard is fixed in America for human knowledge. All approach as near to it as they can; some as they rise, others as they descend.”
Joel then goes on to quote the same passage I did in my last de Tocqueville post, where I lamented the lack of unity of purpose in America today.
Joel and de Tocqueville both have it right regarding the dangers of homogeneity. We are indeed as a society sliding toward a soft socialism of “equality”, and people are starting to notice — they are starting to see what they can get away with. Some of the Republicans’ actions, particularly by those of social “conservatives”, of the last few years bear that out. And more than a few “liberal” (leftist) politically-correct technocrats feel that society needs to be “guided” by the loving hands of a handful of elites (themselves).
Which brings us to de Tocqueville’s musings on the nature and structure of local governments in early America.
The first thing that jumped out at me was this passage:
The principle of the sovereignty of the people, which is always to be found, more or less, at the bottom of almost all human institutions, generally remains there concealed from view. It is obeyed without being recognized, or if for a moment it is brought to light, it is hastily cast back into the gloom of the sanctuary.
“The will of the nation” is one of those phrases, that have been most largely abused by the wily and the despotic of every age. Some have seen the expression of it in the purchased suffrages of a few of the satellites of power; others, in the votes of a timid or an interested minority; and some have even discovered it in the silence of a people, on the supposition that the fact of submission established the right to command.
Alexis de Tocqueville could not have imagined modern polling data and its effects on the power-hungry, self-aggrandizing politicians which existed then as well as now when he wrote Democracy in America. What I have seen today* is that if the American people want something — even if it is contrary to or not found in fundamental principles of American government, i.e., the Constitution — they will find some craven politician to give it to them. This model will lead to an anti-libertarian society just as surely as the worst authoritarian dictator would. (Remember — democracy is a necessary but not sufficient condition of liberty.) Surely polling data is not the only cause of this phenomenon — misconceptions of what “equality” should mean play a major role — but it is an example.
de Tocqueville goes on to survey examples of local government. He addresses government at the township level, the county level, and the state level each in turn. He begins with the township, devoting a healthy chunk of Chapter V to it. He wrote that “[i]t is not undesignedly that I begin this subject with the township. The village or township is the only association which is so perfectly natural that wherever of men are collected it seems to constitute itself.” Even though our “townships” have gotten quite a lot bigger with time, this is still true today. Each citizen of a town has a greater share of power within that town that he does anywhere else. What’s different is today is that, with the rise of an “activist” federal government and “activist” state governments which “govern” without end (or to no end in particular), these natural gatherings have much less latitude in which to self-determine. The affairs of the town are the easiest way for people to exercise their liberties to greatest effect. Consolidation of power in state governments and in the federal government — a phenomenon that’s made steady progress since 1900 — has, in my opinion, harmed the cause of liberty.
There’s another thing de Tocqueville notices about early 19th century America that is no longer true today — and again that is to our current detriment:
NOTHING is more striking to a European traveler in the United States than the absence of what we term the government, or the administration. Written laws exist in America, and one sees the daily execution of them; but although everything moves regularly, the mover can nowhere be discovered. The hand that directs the social machine is invisible. Nevertheless, as all persons must have recourse to certain grammatical forms, which are the foundation of human language, in order to express their thoughts; so all communities are obliged to secure their existence by submitting to a certain amount of authority, without which they fall into anarchy. This authority may be distributed in several ways, but it must always exist somewhere.
Does anyone seriously believe that about today’s federal government? The “movers” are everywhere, and again they are not exclusively Right or Left. The impersonality of a large bureaucracy cannot possibly have the interest of all the people it purports to serve at heart. It will thus necessarily fail at any such attempt. Even a state government cannot possibly be expected to serve all its citizens in its present-day expanded role. These governments were intended (and should today) to provide a few basic protections and services for its citizens (fewer with increasing government size), with the people of the towns intended to provide the rest. These governments doubly hurt the cause of liberty, because citizens end up working like dogs to pay off their obligations to them, leaving less time for interest in local affairs.
I leave you with the thoughts of de Tocqueville on centralized government:
The partisans of centralization in Europe are wont to maintain that the government can administer the affairs of each locality better than the citizens can do it for themselves. This may be true when the central power is enlightened and the local authorities are ignorant; when it is alert and they are slow; when it is accustomed to act and they to obey. Indeed, it is evident that this double tendency must augment with the increase of centralization, and that the readiness of the one and the incapacity of the others must become more and more prominent. But I deny that it is so when the people are as enlightened, as awake to their interests, and as accustomed to reflect on them as the Americans are. I am persuaded, on the contrary, that in this case the collective strength of the citizens will always conduce more efficacious to the public welfare than the authority of the government. I know it is difficult to point out with certainty the means of arousing a sleeping population and of giving it passions and knowledge which it does not possess; it is, I am well aware, an arduous task to persuade men to busy themselves about their own affairs. It would frequently be easier to interest them in the punctilios of court etiquette than in the repairs of their common dwelling. But whenever a central administration affects completely to supersede the persons most interested, I am inclined to suppose that it is either misled or desirous to mislead. However enlightened and skillfull a central power may be, it cannot of itself embrace all the details of the life of a great nation. Such vigilance exceeds the powers of man. And when it attempts unaided to create and set in motion so many complicated springs, it must submit to a very imperfect result or exhaust itself in bootless efforts.
Next time, we’ll discuss de Tocqueville’s thoughts on the judiciary and how they relate to today’s America.
Note: I have created a “Democracy in America” category and placed a link to all the posts in this series in the sidebar under “features”. You’ll be able to access all my DIA posts there.
*: I’ve been described as someone with a “populist” bent, but I reject that label. Populism can in some circumstances be dangerous to liberty.
recent comments